The European Union has faced lots of criticisms over the last couple of years when it comes to how refugees are treated in Europe. The Lisbon Treaty states in Article 2 that the European Union is founded on respect for human freedom, dignity and equality. Values such as democracy, rule of law, respect for human rights and that the rights of persons belonging to minorities should be respected are also something that the Union should be based on. How is it then that the Roma people, which are Europe's largest minority, are being persecuted all over Europe, that they get deported and have their camps destroyed? Why are refugees from North Africa being sent back before they even have a chance to seek asylum?  In this essay I have examined how the EU are treating refugees and tried to distinguish if there are any differences in how they treat internal and external refugees.

The aim for this thesis is to study the international gender equality work from a perspective of the concept of universalism and particularism, with the United Nation?s Declaration of Human Rights, and especially -?The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women?, in focus. The shadowreports of Namibia and Sweden are used as examples of how countries with different historical, political and social contexts are working with gender equality.A theroetical framework is constitued by theories as postmodernism, postcolonialism and feminism with basis from social constructionism. The thesis is methodological influenced by Critical Discourse Analysis. Notions from former studies were also used as tools in the analysis.

The purpose of this thesis is to evaluate the present importance of liberal education in the Swedish "folkhögskola" by studying its expressions in the teaching of literature and fiction. I have interviewed teachers at four different schools about their opinions of liberal education, literature and cultural heritage, means of instruction, and influence of their students. Liberal education in this thesis is considered as a process. Starting from our own experiences we meet something strange to us and while absorbing this in our experiences we change. But its purpose also is to convey the canon of Western literature.

This paper examines the ideological content of the compulsory school policy of the Swedish Liberal Party. The aim of the study is to investigate whether the Liberal Party does really represent a liberal policy for the compulsory school, or if it is more accurately described as conservative. The analysis is carried through by two separate critical examinations of the Liberal Party motion on school politics to the parliament and the Conservative Party motion on school politics to the parliament respectively. A comparison is then made between the ideological contents of the two documents. The specific party policies are linked to universal definitions of liberalism and conservatism with the help of an analytical tool consistent of a series of educational philosophies.

?The new labour party? A study of the labor-market policy ideas of the Moderata samlingspartiet and their ideological change?Thesis in Political Science (C-level) at Karlstad University byJenny Ljung, Fall 2006Tutor: Susan MartonThe labour-market policy of the Swedish Moderaterna may have undergone changes in the liberal ideology. During the election the year 1991 Moderaterna focused upon questions that concerned the economic growth and the free market. In the election at year 2006 Moderaterna appointed themselves as ?the new labour party? and were called social liberals by several critiques.

The swedish law against female genital mutilation (FGM) prohibits procedures that removes parts of the female genitalia and thereby makes permanent changes in the body. The problem with the wording of the law is that it may also apply to the western phenomenon cosmetic genital surgery. This paper therefore examines if cosmetic genital surgery should be covered by the swedish law against FGM, by making a critical comparing analysis. The paper begins with comparing FGM with cosmetic genital surgery to prove that there are more similarities than differences between the procedures. By using the theoretical perspectives universalism and postcolonialism, the paper then examines why, particularly in the West, there is a different approach to FGM than to cosmetic genital surgery, regardless of the similarities of the procedures.

Syftet med denna rapport är att undersöka om det med hjälp av olika designelement i ett användargränssnitt går att aktivera en specifik värderingsgrupp för att motivera miljövänligt beteende. Den värderingsgrupp som studeras är universalism som innefattar värderingar kopplade till förståelse, uppskattning, tolerans och beskyddande för alla människors och naturens välfärd. Tidigare forskning har hittat en relation mellan mänskliga värderingar och miljövänligt beteende och menar att detta kan användas för att skapa mer långsiktiga beteendeförändringar gällande miljövanor. I denna studie tittar vi vidare på detta genom att undersöka om vi genom design kan aktivera en av grupperna med dessa värderingar, universalism, som skapar dessa långsiktiga beteendeförändringar av miljövanor.I denna rapport presenteras en studie som har utförts med elva deltagare, alla studenter på Medieteknikprogrammet på KTH. Studien bestod av en undersökning samt korta intervjuer.

Jag har valt att studera uppkomsten av The African Charter On Human and Peoples Rights. Mitt huvudsyfte är att se vilken roll Afrikas historia har spelat för utformandet av den afrikanska stadgan för mänskliga rättigheter och vid sidan av detta även ta reda på om stadgan är effektiv. Jag har också valt att göra en jämförelse med Europakonventionen för att se vad som skiljer de två regionala systemen för mänskliga rättigheter åt. Jag har sökt information, granskat och tolkat det jag läst med hjälp av rättsvetenskaplig metod och en kvalitativ textanalys utefter en teori om universalism och en världssystemanalys. Något som krävt mycket och noggrann läsning. Mitt resultat pekar på en relativt ineffektiv stadga med starka regionala värderingar och stort fokus på kontinentens historia av kolonialism och de koloniala arven detta gett.

Liberal theorists typically argue that state action should not favor any particular conception of the good or meaningful life. On this view the defining characteristic of the liberal state is neutrality among rivaling ideas of the good. This thesis argues that state neutrality is impossible to maintain in practice. Two different versions of state neutrality; neutral justification and neutral aims, are used to analyze a wide range of political issues. It is concluded that far from being neutral, the liberal state favors individualistic and market oriented conceptions of the good life.

Målsättningen för uppsatsen har varit att ifrågasätta det allmänmänskliga i mänskliga rättigheter, att problematisera en rättighetsidé som marknadsförs av bland annat FN, och som inom internationella relationer framställs som självskriven. Teorier om universalism och relativism har utgjort ramen, medan tre människorättsorganisationer ? Human Rights Center Viasna, Civil Rights Defenders och Amnesty International ? har fungerat som analysenheter. Organisationerna har undersökts genom de framställningar de gjort av MR-situationen i Vitryssland, närmare bestämt i form av nyhetsartiklar om tre samtida politiska händelser.Frågeställningarna fokuserade på allmängiltigheten i organisationernas MR-bild, deras inställning till europeiska och västerländska regelverk och aktörer, samt hur deras egen bakgrund eventuellt inverkar i arbetet. Resultaten visar att organisationerna jobbar universalistiskt, att de har globala preferenser snarare än europeiska, och att de i allt väsentligt arbetar opåverkade av sin kontext.Visserligen bör resultaten sättas i relation till den begränsade undersökningen, vilken kanske främst kan visa tendenser, men de unika dragen i forskningsområdet är inte att förglömma.

Every now and then new political ideas appear which creates debate. A current example of political debate is the one which concerns the creation of a feminist political party in Sweden -Feministiskt initiativ. Apparent in the current debate is that there are two existing conflicts of ideas present. The liberal thought of politics of ideas stands against feminism's demand for presence in the political life. And the other, the conflict which concerns the question of where a line between the public and the private spheres should be drawn.

The purpose with this essay is to examine the Liberal Party and the Left Party´s views on homework, if the parties considers that homework affects the schools plan for equivalence and if the parties disagreement can be related to their different ideologies. To answer the purpose I have used following questions: How do the Liberal Party and the Left Party define the concept of homework?, What is the purpose of homework in primary schools according to the Liberal Party and the Left Party?, What are the arguments for and against homework and do homework affects the schools plan for equivalence according to the parties? and Can the parties' views on homework be related to their respective ideologies? The method used is a qualitative textual analysis with focus on the idea analysis. The material consist of relevant newspaper articles, news and debate clips and the parties various party programs, during the time frame of 2006-05-31 - 2013-10-14. To answer the purpose I also used different types of discourse theories, equivalence theory and the ideologies liberalism and reformist socialism as theories.The results shows that the Liberal Party and the Left Party have different views about what a homework should be considered as and that both parties thinks that homework can affect the schools plan for equivalence, but they have different perceptions about how.

This paper discusses if Margin of Appreciation is compatible with the idea of universal human rights. Through the case of Negative freedom of association in Sweden, it studies the phenomenon that Giorgio Agamben has called the State of exception.The questions that are discussed and answered are 1) How does the rights theories of Jack Donnelly and Ronald Dworkin relate to Margin of appreciation, and 2) How has Margin of appreciation been applied in cases concerning the negative freedom of association in Sweden, in the European court for human rights. These questions and answers are then used in the discussion on how Margin of appreciation affects the concept of universal human rights. .

The aim with this paper is to study how the integrational ideology of the Swedish parliaments party platforms, including the right wing Sverigedemokraterna, is formulated. The integration theories examined are assimilationism, multiculturalism, universalism and residualism. In turn these theories are simultaneously applied to the party platforms extracting explicit or implicit messages of the four former mentioned theories. The Swedish history of integration as well as immigration, which per capita is one of the highest in the European union, pinpoints the reason why this subject is due to further investigation. The results show that most of the parties contain traces of more than one integration theory, with the exception of primarily Sverigedemokraterna which focuses on assimilationism.

The goal of this essay is to analyse how women belonging to a right wing political discourse talk about feminism and equality. This analysis will be used to determine if right wing feminism exists. The analysis is based on Laclau and Mouffe´s  discourse theory as the primary base. The focus is articulation, antagonism and hegmony; the central terms of Laclau and Moffe´s theroy. The material consists of five interviews with representatives of women wings of liberal political in Sweaden; Liberala kvinnor, Centerkvinnor and Moderatkvinnor.The study shows that there are different opinions regarding feminism in the liberal political discouse, and that those opinions have an antagonistic relationship.